Two types of selection operate (and complement each other) in plants under domestication: (a) conscious or intentional selection applied by the growers for traits of interest to them; (b) unconscious or automatic selection brought about by the fact that the plants concerned were taken from their original wild habitats and placed in new (and usually very different) human-made or human-managed environments. The shift in the ecology led automatically to drastic changes in selection pressures. Numerous adaptations vital for survival in the wild environments lost their fitness under the new sets of conditions. New traits were automatically selected, resulting in the build-up of characteristic “domestication syndromes,” each fitting the specific agricultural environment provided by the farmer.

The present paper assesses the evolutionary consequences of the introduction of the wild plants into several sets of contrasting farming situations. These include: (a) the type of maintenance applied, whether seed planting or vegetative propagation; (b) the plant organs for which the crop has been grown, whether they are reproductive parts or vegetative parts; (c) the impact of the system of tilling, sowing, and reaping on the evolution of grain crops; (d) the impact of the horticultural environment on fruit crops.

In coastal and highland Peru, totora, Schoenoplectus californicus (C. A. Meyer) Soják (Cyperaceae), has played a central cultural role. Totora was used to build boats, houses, bridges, mats, containers, clothing, string, and fans and has been noted for its use as both food (for humans and livestock) and fertilizer. We conducted unstructured interviews in Spanish and followed participant observation methods in Huanchaco and Lake Titicaca located in coastal and highland Peru, respectively. We hypothesized that a plant with high saliency to the local culture would have a high level of associated indigenous conservation practices. In addition, the level of care and management should increase as the resource became more valued or increasingly scarce. We found that, despite a long established tradition of sustainable use, the people were increasingly relying on intensive cultivation of this plant. The value of totora to local residents justified the efforts spent in maintaining adequate supplies of this plant. Increases in population, politics, and yearly variation in climate patterns have created a reduction in available totora and contributed to an increase in management practices.

The Acjachemen Indians of San Juan Capistrano, California, have a rich history predating the establishment of the Spanish Missions. The Acjachemen have many uses for the plants indigenous to the area. The Blue or Mexican Elderberry, Sambucus mexicana C. Presl, Caprifoliaceae, continues to be a plant of great importance to the Acjachemen people. Known as the “tree of music,” its wood is used in the construction of the clapperstick, a percussion instrument used to accompany song. We documented the construction stages of the clapperstick by Acjachemen artisans: harvest, woodworking, and decoration. Tribal elders granted permission to document the process with videotape and photographs. While the methods and tools employed in the process have changed over time, the cultural importance of the clapperstick has not.

The alcoholic beverage parakari, a unique fermentation product of cassava (Manihot esculenta Crantz) by the Wapisiana of Guyana, involves the use of a starch-hydrolyzing (amylolytic) mold (Rhizopus sp., Mucoraceae, Zygomycota) followed by a solid-state ethanol fermentation. A detailed study was made of the parakari manufacturing process in the Wapisiana village of Aishalton, South Rupununi, Guyana. Thirty steps were involved in parakari manufacture and these exhibited a high degree of sophistication, including the use of specific cassava varieties, control of culture temperature, and boosting of inoculum potential with purified starch additives. During the fermentation process, changes in glucose content, pH, taste, smell, and culture characteristics were reported for the fermenting mash. Parakari is the only known example of an indigenous New World fermentation that utilizes an amylolytic mold. Manufacture of parakari is analogous to similar dual fermentations of the Orient, yet independently derived.

On both theoretical and practical grounds, respect for, and inclusion of, local decision-making processes is advocated in conservation, yet little is known about the conservation priorities on local territories. We employed interviews and ecological inventories in two villages in order to (1) evaluate the local perception of the conservation status of important plant resources; (2) compare patterns of plant use; and (3) compare perceived conservation status with population structure and abundance in the field. One-third of the 35 species examined were perceived to be threatened or declining. These were predominantly used locally for construction or sold commercially, but were not necessarily rare in the field. The destructiveness of harvest was the most consistent predictor of conservation status in both villages. Contrasting patterns were found in the two villages for the frequency of plant harvest and the relationship of this variable with conservation status. We suggest that local knowledge is an efficient means to rapidly assess the status of a large number of species, whereas population structure analysis provides an initial evaluation of the impact of harvest for selected species.

For the Bribri and the Cabecar Indians of Costa Rica the environment is divided in two: the “near”, indigenous space; and the “far”, natural space, which they think does not belong to them. In the former, the following agroecosystems can be distinguished according to biodiversity and intensity of human activity: tropical home garden, rotating slash-and-burn agriculture, plantain polyculture, and plantain monoculture. In the “far” space, these two culturally close groups harvest wild plants observing ancestral rules, which have helped ensure a sustainable use of forest resources. Their diet is based on 84 species, of which 24 are harvested in the “far” environment (hombrón, semko, platanillo, tacaco, etc.) and 60 are obtained in the “near” environment (maize, bean, cacao, manioc, etc.). Owing to acculturation, exotic species (mainly rice, sugarcane, plantain, cacao and citrus fruit) have become part of their diet and crops.

This study represents a systematic attempt to quantify and compare the degree of familiarity among rural and urban El Salvadorian adolescents with ujushte, Brosimum alicastrum Sw. (Moraceae). To do this, we administered a written questionnaire to 177 students attending school in either San Franciso Menéndez or Apopa, El Salvador. Using a closed-end format, the students provided information about their knowledge of the tree and its fruit, frequency and enjoyment of consumption, method of preparation, and the source of their knowledge. Although most of the rural students knew of the tree and ate its fruit, very few of the urban students indicated familiarity. Statistical hypothesis testing demonstrated that the discrepancy between rural and urban knowledge could not be accounted for by differences in reported socioeconomic status. Grandparents were cited as the most important source of information about ujushte.

Extraction of lechuguilla fiber (Agave lecheguilla) is often the only source of income for some rural inhabitants in arid zones of Mexico. A model for biomass estimation of lechuguilla by nondestructive techniques was developed and then applied to evaluate whether traditional harvesting had an effect on (1) biomass production of the bud (part of the plant traditionally collected to obtain fiber) and (2) plant density. Six months after harvesting, biomass production was higher for buds of harvested plants than for buds of unharvested plants, but there were no differences 1 year after harvesting. Number of new plants was not affected by harvesting. Hence it appears that at least in the short term the common practice for extracting lechuguilla fiber does not affect population density, but significantly increases growth of central buds.

Eleven species of vine, used in the elaboration of utensils and crafts, were identified and their populations were evaluated. The most demanded species are Plukenetia penninervia Muell. Arg., Cydista aequinoctialis Miers and Monstera deliciosa Liebm. In mature rainforest and in the different successional sites, the availability of usable vine was evaluated; problems of excessive harvest were disregarded. The preferred areas of harvest were the medium and late successional sites. Four types of producers were identified: collectors, collector-artisans, artisans and those who make utensils for personal use. Two basic models of resource destination were distinguished: self-consumption and commercialization. Market value was identified in the elaboration of ornamental crafts that usually represents an economic activity, while the making of utensils reflects the cultural and social value. The main elements of the commercial chain were identified, as well as the problems in order to achieve a fair commercialization.

The density of neem trees in parts of Malindi District in eastern Kenya was assessed to determine the sustainability of their use in the local wood-carving industry. Size and age structure of neem populations under different ownership were analyzed to establish the Annual Allowable Cut. Neem is an excellent carving wood and the available quantities along the Kenyan coast are sufficient to sustainably supply the industry of the whole country. However, because the resource comes from small farm holdings and the supply system to carving groups is not well established, further efforts are required to introduce a management regime that could be certified under the standards of the Forest Stewardship Council.