Ten years after the first draft versions of the human genome were announced, technical progress in both DNA sequencing and ancient DNA analyses has allowed a research team around Ed Green and Svante Pääbo to complete this task from infinitely more difficult hominid samples: a few pieces of bone originating from our closest, albeit extinct, relatives, the Neanderthals. Pulling the Neanderthal sequences out of a sea of contaminating environmental DNA impregnating the bones and at the same time avoiding the problems of contamination with modern human DNA is in itself a remarkable accomplishment. However, the crucial question in the long run is, what can we learn from such genomic data about hominid evolution?

The large scale spread of Bantu-speaking populations remains one of the most debated questions in African population history. In this work we studied the genetic structure of 19 Bantu-speaking groups from Mozambique and Angola using a multilocus approach based on 14 newly developed compound haplotype systems (UEPSTRs), each consisting of a rapidly evolving short tandem repeat (STR) closely linked to a unique event polymorphism (UEP). We compared the ability of UEPs, STRs and UEPSTRs to document genetic variation at the intercontinental level and among the African Bantu populations, and found that UEPSTR systems clearly provided more resolution than UEPs or STRs alone. The observed patterns of genetic variation revealed high levels of genetic homogeneity between major populations from Angola and Mozambique, with two main outliers: the Kuvale from Angola and the Chopi from Mozambique. Within Mozambique, two Kaskazi—speaking populations from the far north (Yao and Mwani) and two Nyasa-speaking groups from the Zambezi River basin (Nyungwe and Sena) could be differentiated from the remaining groups, but no further population structure was observed across the country. The close genetic relationship between most sampled Bantu populations is consistent with high degrees of interaction between peoples living in savanna areas located to the south of the rainforest. Our results highlight the role of gene flow during the Bantu expansions and show that the genetic evidence accumulated so far is becoming increasingly difficult to reconcile with widely accepted models postulating an early split between eastern and western Bantu populations.

Increasing phylogenetic resolution of the Y chromosome haplogroup tree has led to finer temporal and spatial resolution for studies of human migration. Haplogroup T, initially known as K2 and defined by mutation M70, is found at variable frequencies across West Asia, Africa, and Europe. While several SNPs were recently discovered that extended the length of the branch leading to haplogroup T, only two SNPs are known to mark internal branches of haplogroup T. This low level of phylogenetic resolution has hindered studies of the origin and dispersal of this interesting haplogroup, which is found in Near Eastern non-Jewish populations, Jewish populations from several communities, and in the patrilineage of President Thomas Jefferson. Here we map 10 new SNPs that, together with the previously known SNPs, mark 11 lineages and two large subclades (T1a and T1b) of haplogroup T. We also report a new SNP that links haplogroups T and L within the major framework of Y chromosome evolution. Estimates of the timing of the branching events within haplogroup T, along with a comprehensive geographic survey of the major T subclades, suggest that this haplogroup began to diversify in the Near East ∼25 kya. Our survey also points to a complex history of dispersal of this rare and informative haplogroup within the Near East and from the Near East to Europe and sub-Saharan Africa. The presence of T1a2 chromosomes in Near Eastern Jewish and non-Jewish populations may reflect early exiles between the ancient lands of Israel and Babylon. The presence of different subclades of T chromosomes in Europe may be explained by both the spread of Neolithic farmers and the later dispersal of Jews from the Near East. Finally, the moderately high frequency (∼18%) of T1b* chromosomes in the Lemba of southern Africa supports the hypothesis of a Near Eastern, but not necessarily a Jewish, origin for their paternal line.

Like other countries in the Americas, during its colonization Uruguay was the recipient of immigrants from several ethnic groups from Europe, as well as of enslaved Africans. After its independence in 1830, Basques were the first group of Europeans to arrive in the country. In this paper, we aim to contribute to the understanding of the process of integration of these migratory waves into the Uruguayan society. For that purpose, individuals of Basque origin from the city of Trinidad, Uruguay, were chosen to participate in this study. Particularly, we wanted to determine if Basque descendants in Uruguay remained relatively isolated or if they mixed with other ethnic groups. Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) of 60 self-identified Basque descendants, taken from a larger sample of subjects with Basque ancestors, was analyzed. The origin of mtDNA haplogroups was 77.8% European, 20.4% Amerindian, and 1.8% African, showing similar frequencies to other Uruguayan regions. Very few sequences showed a clear Basque origin, although other sources such as the Canary Islands are likely. Moreover, genetic distances clearly show that Basque descendants are genetically closer to other Uruguayan groups than to European populations, including Basques. It is possible to conclude that Basques and their descendants in the region of Trinidad did not remain isolated and that their marriage behavior was similar to that of other Uruguayan populations. However, to have a more accurate picture of the way Basques intermarried with other populations in Uruguay, new analyses are needed that take into account paternal lineages as well as biparental genetic markers.

The effects of migration on human health have been a topic of interest for demographers and human biologists. Even if migrants to a new region achieve a higher standard of living in their new place of residence, their improved living conditions may not be associated with better health. Part of the difficulty of understanding the health consequences of migration is the complications in trying to control for variables that may affect health, such as gender, age, and urban or rural environment of migrants and nonmigrants. In this paper we report results of a meta-analysis of the body mass index (BMI) and blood pressure (BP) of people of South Asian descent, by comparing nonmigrants who inhabit the subcontinent, with migrants who moved to various places around the globe. Our results indicate that BMI almost always increases to a significant level upon migration and that an increase in BMI is most pronounced in female migrants. Our results also show that BP does not always increase in migrant communities and that it is actually lower in some migrant samples than it is in comparable nonmigrant groups. Therefore, our results show that BP and the BMI do not behave in the same manner following a migration event. We propose that the BMI changes experienced by migrants are likely to reflect different activity levels and diet in the new homeland. However, the BP changes experienced by migrants are likely to reflect stress broadly defined. Such stress may be increased or decreased, depending on the specific migration experience. We propose that the BMI and BP measure two different dimensions of the migration experience.

Explanations for the emergence of monogamous marriage have focused on the cross-cultural distribution of marriage strategies, thus failing to account for their history. In this paper I reconstruct the pattern of change in marriage strategies in the history of societies speaking Indo-European languages, using cross-cultural data in the systematic and explicitly historical framework afforded by the phylogenetic comparative approach.

The analysis provides evidence in support of Proto-Indo-European monogamy, and that this pattern may have extended back to Proto-Indo-Hittite. These reconstructions push the origin of monogamous marriage into prehistory, well beyond the earliest instances documented in the historical record; this, in turn, challenges notions that the cross-cultural distribution of monogamous marriage reflects features of social organization typically associated with Eurasian societies, and with “societal complexity” and “modernization” more generally. I discuss implications of these findings in the context of the archaeological and genetic evidence on prehistoric social organization.

Linguists and archaeologists have used reconstructions of early Indo-European residence strategies to constrain hypotheses about the homeland and trajectory of dispersal of Indo-European languages; however, these reconstructions are largely based on unsystematic and ahistorical use of the linguistic and ethnographic evidence, coupled with substantial bias in interpretation. Here I use cross-cultural data in a phylogenetic comparative framework to reconstruct the pattern of change in residence strategies in the history of societies speaking Indo-European languages.

The analysis provides evidence in support of prevailing virilocality with alternative neolocality for Proto-Indo-European, and that this pattern may have extended back to Proto-Indo-Hittite. These findings bolster interpretations of the archaeological evidence that emphasize the “non-matricentric” structure of early Indo-European society; however, they also counter the notion that early Indo-European society was strongly “patricentric.” I discuss implications of these findings in the context of the archaeological and genetic evidence on prehistoric social organization.

This file provides additional information on the data and methods used in Fortunato (2011a,b), and discussion of the results of the fossilization of nodes Proto-Indo-Hittite (PIH) and Proto-Indo-European (PIE) for marriage and residence strategies.